Mapping the Troubles

(June 8, 2023) As the current crisis in Manipur entered its second month this week, violence between the majority Meiteis and minority Kukis flared in many places. These were concentrated along the line separating Manipur’s Central Valley, a traditionally Meitei area centering on Manipur’s capital of Imphal, and the predominantly Kuki hills surrounding it. As of now, an unofficial population exchange has taken place, many thousands of Kukis having been driven from the valley and some of its adjacent hill villages, and a smaller number of Meiteis having fled in the opposite direction. Although each side has accused the other of instigating the violence, the evidence clearly points to a premeditated Meitei campaign of ethnic cleansing.

Despite a visit to the area of Indian Interior Minister Amit Shah at the beginning of June, tensions continue to run high. In response to Kuki demands that the Kuki-controlled areas of Manipur be given a separate administrative status that would remove them from Meitei control, the Indian government has invited leaders of the Kuki and Naga communities to discuss the situation with federal officials in New Delhi. (The Nagas, Christians like the Kukis as opposed to the Hindu Meiteis, are concentrated in the higher altitudes of Manipur’s hill country.) A joint Kuki-Naga autonomous region has been mooted, although at the moment it is a vague concept.

Pastor Abe Oomen and his team at Aizawl, overseeing relief distribution.

The situation of Manipur’s estimated 3,500 B’nei Menashe, all ethnically Kuki, remains unchanged. Some 650 have fled their homes, mostly to three locations: the largely Kuki town of Kangpokpi in Manipur’s north; the heavily Kuki Churachandpur, Manipur’s second largest city, in the state; and the neighboring state of Mizoram further to the southwest, where there is a smaller B’nei Menashe community of about 1,000. Joining Degel Menashe week in providing humanitarian aid and food relief for the B’nei Menashe refugees was the Kerala-based Christian evangelical organization Ebenezer Operation Exodus, which has in the past raised funds for the Aliyah of Jews to Israel. Led by Pastor Abe Thomas Oomenn, the organization distributed 9.5 tons of relief materials, mostly rice, in Manipur, and another 1.2 tons in Mizoram.

To help our readers to understand the situation in Manipur and Mizoram better, we have chosen this week to publish maps of the two states. In Manipur, the Central Valley is indicated by the area marked around 1. Other localities are numbered according to the following key:

1. As per the 2011 census, Imphal has population of 277,196 (The 2021 census had been postponed due to covid 19). Of these, the Kuki comprise about 20,000, including the B'nei Menashe who account for barely about 300. The number rises to 650 if we include the other two communities of Sajal and Kangchup in the valley area. As of now, Imphal has been cleansed of all its Kuki population.

2. Sajal is a small hamlet which lies southwest of Imphal in the Kuki dominated Kangpokpi district. However, it is closer to the Meitei dominated Bishnupur district and more accessible from there. The village has a population of about 350, entirely Kuki. The B'nei Menashe are little more than half of the village’s population, with the headman being a B'nei Menashe. The village, in its entirety, has been razed to the ground, including the synagogue and the Torah, by vigilantes belong to a Meitei rivalist group called the Arambai Tenggol on the 3rd of May 2023 (Please see our article dated 11th May, A Sajal Survivor Tells his Story). Survivors have fled to Churachandpur, Kangpokpi and even to the neighboring Mizoram.

3. Kangchup lies northwest of Imphal. It has a population of about 300, entirely Kuki with about 100 Bnei Menashe. It lies in the Imphal West district. It has mostly been burnt and abandoned, the survivors having fled to Kuki dominated areas like Kangpokpi and Churachandpur.

A refugee child leaving for a shelter, file photo.

4. Another tiny hamlet of about 300 people, Gamgiphai lies on the border of Kangpokpi and the Meitei dominated town of Sekmai in Imphal West district. It has a very small Bnei Menashe population of about 10 families. Due to its location, it has been a scene of intense fighting with Meitei groups attempting to make incursions several times, unsuccessfully, as it stands today.

5. The villages of Kangvai and Sugnu. Kangvai is situated on the northern Churachandpur border with the Meitei Bishnupur district and Sugnu is in the Meitei majority Kakching district on the border with Churachandpur. While Kangvai is wholly Kuki, Sugnu has a mixed population of Kukis and Meiteis. In early May, when the conflict began Kangvai saw heavy fighting, the Meitei group Arambai Tenggol supported by the state police made several attempts to capture and bring it under its control. They were met with stiff resistance by the village volunteers who managed to stave off successive attacks. Unconfirmed reports say that the Meiteis lost about 60 compared to 15 loss admitted by the village volunteers. Having failed here, the Meiteis shifted their focus to Sugnu, which is east of Kangvai. Up until now, there has been intense fighting. It may be noted that during the Indian Home minister’s visit last week to hold a 15 day ceasefire, a couple of Kuki villages were burnt in that area. As in Kangvai, there is a stalemate with reports of heavy losses on the Meitei side. Neither of the two have Bnei Menashe population.

A displaced family finds refuge at the Rav Avichayil Memorial School with relief arranged by Degel Menashe.

6. Kangpokpi town has a population of 7,476 as per 2011 census and is home to about 300 Bnei Menashe. With the recent influx of displaced people seeking shelter it has grown to about 400. Some half of them have found refuge with relatives and the rest have been put up at the local Beit Shalom synagogue premises. Degel Menashe has provided relief materials in terms of grain and medicines. The main supply line to Imphal passes through it and it had been blocked following the conflict. In the recent plea by the Indian Home minister the highway had been opened much to the chagrin of the local population who are mainly Kukis.

7. Churachandpur is home to roughly about half of the 5,000 Bnei Menashe in the region. There are about 15 communities and synagogues. The main town has a population of about 120,000 and is the second largest city in Manipur after the capital Imphal. Most of the displaced Bnei Menashe have found refuge here, numbers estimate that anywhere between 500 to 600. Degel Menashe has concentrated its relief programs here given the size. About 3.5 tons have been distributed along with some medical attention to those who require it. Operation Exodus has dispensed a large amount of aid as Shavei Israel has too but reports have not reached our newsletter to what extent.

8. Ever since the conflict began, flow of goods and foodstuff had been suspended from Imphal by the Meitei groups. That led to the largely unused southern road to Mizoram being opened up to traffic. It has become a lifeline for the people of Churachandpur. So far, according to reports, close to 10,000 bags of rice (a staple) have been delivered so far, besides others.

9, 10. Besides Aizawl, the capital of Mizoram, two other northern towns, Bairabi and Kolasib have seen a flow of refugees. While the the numbers of those seeking refuge in Mizoram is estimated at over 8,000, the Bnei Menashe account for about 200, a tiny fraction. But as things look now, the conflict does not seem to have any resolution in sight in the near future, the numbers will only grow. Some B'nei Menashe going to Bairabi and Kolasib are joining family members who live there.

Official figures for the current conflagration stands at 90 dead, 300 injured and 2000 houses, besides 200 plus churches and a synagogue burnt. Actual figures are bound to be much higher. The state has seen a suspension of internet services for a month now and there is no knowing when it will be restored. It may be noted that 4000 arms and 500,000 rounds of ammunition were looted from the state armories by various Meitei groups. After an appeal, about 800 have been returned or recovered, the rest remain at large. The sheer amount of arms in the hands of unauthorized people does not forebode well for peace initiatives that are mooted. In the meantime, with economic hardship faced by the population, it will only be wise to keep the relief programs going.

B’nei Menashe have been continuing to flow to Mizoram in gradually increasing numbers. Unlike the first wave,

B'nei Menashe children in their new surrounding, attend school at Kolasib.

those now streaming south, some from Churachandpur itself, it in the future, as well as of general social and economic uncertainty. The displaced persons in Mizoram are being taken care of by the government and NGOs such as the YMA, Young Mizo Association. Meitei-Kuki tensions in Manipur, which have been brewing for long decades, are likely to get worse before they can get better. There is only one answer to this fear for all the B’nei Menashe of Manipur: Aliyah to Israel as soon as possible.

Degel Menashe Head Participates in Haifa Seminar

(June 8, 2023) At a half-day seminar held at Haifa University on June 1 on the history of the Jews of India, the story of the B’nei Menashe was presented by Degel Menashe’s managing director Yitzhak Thangjom. In a talk entitled “A Community in Transit from India to Israel,” Thangjom sketched the history of the B’nei Menashe, their current situation, and the challenges facing them in both India’s two states of Manipur and Mizoram and in Israel. “To the best of my knowledge,” he told our Newsletter, “this is the first time an Israeli university had held such an event. It was intended as an initial step toward integrating the experience of Indian Jewry into mainstream Jewish history. I’m glad to note that the B’nei Menashe is now considered an integral part of that story, both by the Indian Jewish community in Israel and by the Israeli academy.”

Other speakers at the Seminar included Oshrit Birvadker, a senior fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security and a student of India-Israel relations; Professor Rotem Kowner, a historian at Haifa’s Department of East Asian Studies; Noga Cochavi, Head of the Ministry of Education’s Educational Jewish People’s Program; Haifa University doctoral student Suraj Rajan Kadanthodu; Israeli writer and Indian Jewish activist Ilana Shazor; and Avner Isaac, Chairman of the Indian Jewish Heritage Center. An audience of over one hundred, a large crowd for such an event, attended.

The day ended with a Malida or thanksgiving ceremony, a tradition of India’s Bene Israel community featuring a special dish of sweetened rice garnished with coconut flakes, nuts, and spices and served on a large platter with fruits of the season.

“It was a touching and proud moment for all of us,” said Thangjom. “At long last the history of India’s Jewish communities is being given the academic attention it deserves. It’s been long overdue, but better later than never.”

Lalam Hangshing Speaks His Mind

(June 1, 2023) WL Hangshing, known to everyone as Lalam, wears two hats: the elected chairman, as many of our readers know, of Manipur’s B’nei Menashe Council, he is also the general secretary of the Kuki People’s Alliance, the only all-Kuki party in Manipur’s state legislature. Our Newsletter interviewed him this week about the recent violence in the state. Here are our questions and his answers.

Can you tell us a bit about your background?

I was born in New Delhi, where my father, Tongkhohao Aviel Hangshing, who later became one of the founding members of the B’nei Menashe community in Manipur, was serving in an administrative capacity in the Indian ministry of defense. Career-wise, I followed in his footsteps by entering the Indian Civil Service. I worked for 35 years in the Indian Revenue Service, including as a Commissioner of the Mumbai port and Chief Commissioner of Taxes and Revenue for Northeast India, a position from which I retired a few years ago. After my retirement, I settled in Manipur, from which my family came, and became active in both the local B’nei Menashe community and the wider Kuki one, of which the B’nei Menashe are an integral part. In November 2020 I was elected Chairman of the B’nei Menashe Council, and more recently, I was chosen to be General Secretary of the newly formed Kuki People's Alliance, which made its debut in the state assembly elections of 2022. The party won two seats.

Lalam Hangshing.

The recent ethnic conflict between the Kukis and the Meiteis erupted in early May this year. How did it begin?

It’s unfortunate that the conflict escalated as it did, but it was building up for many years. While it’s true that the Tribal Solidarity March of May 3, which was a Kuki and Naga protest against the Meitei-controlled state government, may have been the spark that lit the tinderbox, the tinder was already there. During the Solidarity March, Meitei provocateurs had set fire in Imphal to a gateway commemorating the 100th anniversary of the 1917-19 Kuki rebellion against the British. Basically, it is and always has been a conflict over land. The Meitei majority has traditionally lived in and around Imphal, in Manipur’s Central Valley, while the Kukis have inhabited the hills surrounding it. In the last few months, the Meitei government tried to invoke various administrative clauses that would have resulted in the expropriation of Kuki lands and their transfer to state authority. Once it was the state’s, the Meiteis could have done what they wanted with it. You might call it a campaign for “Meitei Lebensraum.” Naturally, the Kukis couldn’t accept this. This led to the May 3 march.

What happened next?

The evening after the March, which was peaceful, Meiteis went on rampages in Imphal and several largely Kuki villages bordering the Central Valley, fed by rumors of violence shared on social media platrforms. In all these places, they target only Kuki homes and churches, plus the B’nei Menashe synagogue in Sajal. There were pro-Meiteis who tried to claim that the attackers were no more than rioting mobs that got out of control, but how do you account for the fact that, in neighborhoods and villages in which both groups lived side by sides, Kuki homes alone were targeted with great precision? The whole thing was clearly planned in advance before the Solidarity March took place. I don't see any other explanation. It was premeditated ethnic cleansing.

Why did it take so long for the government to intervene?

The government had no desire to intervene. The police were in cahoots with the rioters. They let the mobs loot police armories and gave them free rein. Videos were freely allowed to circulate on the social media calling for killing Kukis and raping their women. Kuki houses were looted and ransacked even as their residents were fleeing. This is still going on. It’s happening even now as we speak. It’s just happened to a house of mine in Imphal. There are no Kukis left there. The official figures, which are almost certainly on the low side, are of 70 dead, over 200 injured and 2,000 houses destroyed to date. It’s been a complete failure of law and order.

There has been a Kuki demand for permanent separation from the Meiteis. Is there any other solution to the problem?

Separation is already a reality, emotionally and geographically. All it needs to make it final is to have an administrative stamp put on it. There are no more Kukis in Imphal or the Valley, and I don't imagine that

File photo of displaced people heading for safety.

any of those who have fled will be returning. And by the same token, Meiteis living in the hills and in the hill towns -- Churachandpur, Kangpokpi, Moreh -- have all left. There’s no chance of reconciliation in the foreseeable future. All trust is gone.

What would administrative separation mean?

The Kuki areas of Manipur are too small to justify the creation of a Kuki state within the Indian federal structure. This leaves two possibilities. The first would be the implementation of what is known in India as the 6th Schedule. That’s a constitutional provision that allows for regional autonomy, something like a state within a state in which an area has political, administrative, and financial autonomy. Actually, this should have been done in Manipur long ago. North East India is an ethnically fragmented area, and there are 6th Schedule districts in every North Eastern state with the exception of Manipur and Nagaland, where such arrangement was deemed unnecessary.

A second possibility would be the creation of a Union Territory. That’s an arrangement, also provided for by the Indian constitution, whereby a region permanently put under the direct rule of the federal government in New Delhi, which in return respects its ethnic distinctiveness. A Union Territory can have its own legislature and other governmental mechanisms, and would in effect remove the Kukis from the state structure of Manipur entirely.

And then there are talks of a Greater Mizoram. The Mizos are close ethnic cousins of the Kukis and identify with them in their struggle, and it would be far easier for the Kukis to live together with the Mizos than with the Meiteis.

How realistic are these options?

No Indian federal government likes to encourage fragmentation, but the current situation can’t just be swept under a carpet. The hatred now existing between Meiteis and Kukis makes this impossible. Some kind of creative solution will have to be found. .

What happens if it isn’t?

As I’ve said, what’s been smashed can’t be put back together. Even though the Meiteis say they’ll never agree to the dismemberment of Manipur, the Kukis are not going to accept living together after the treatment meted out to them. Let's keep in mind that the hills, in which the Meiteis never lived, were never a part of the erstwhile Manipuri kingdom that the Meitei nationalists long for. They were incorporated by the British into the princely state of Manipur for administrative convenience -- and even under the British Raj, the valley was administered

Driven from their homes, Kuki villagers seek shelter in the forest.

by the Maharaja of Manipur and the hills by a British political appointee. Many Kukis don’t even speak Meitei. We have our own language and use it among ourselves. We already fought for our independence against the British in 1917-19. There is no way we can return to the homes we have been driven from. Either we are allowed to our own way peacefully or we will have to fight for it.

How does all this affect the B’nei Menashe?

The B’nei Menashe, by virtue of being Kukis, have been targeted by the Meiteis too, even though none of the violence has been aimed specifically against them. Whatever happens, the region is going to remain volatile. This is going to be a long and protracted conflict that can explode again and again. The B’nei Menashe community will continue to be in danger, not just of losing its homes, but of chronic shortages of food, medical care, and security. Look at me: I can’t even reveal where I am right now because that might put my life in jeopardy! Degel Menashe, which has been the only organization extending aid to the B’nei Menashe in recent weeks, is doing a commendable job of providing food relief, but how long can it do on doing this? The only real solution is the Aliyah of all of us to Israel. There were good reasons for expediting it even before the recent violence broke out. Now there are more of them.