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(March 2, 2023) In good Jewish tradition, Aizawl, the capital of Mizoram, has two competing synagogues, Shavei Israel’s Khovevei Tsion and the B’nei Menashe Council’s Shlom Tsion – or, as it is generally known despite the ungrammatical Hebrew, Shalom Tsion. Today, after Shalom Tsion’s rejection of a Khovevei Tsion proposal for “the consolidation and merger of the B’nei Menashe community of Mizoram,” the community is as far away from unity as ever.


A congregational meeting at Shalom Tsion.

The two congregations’ separate existence dates back to 2004. It was then that followers of the newly founded Shavei Israel, directed by its chairman Michael Freund, broke away from Shalom Tsion, which was established in the 1990s under the guidance of the B’nei Menashe’s revered teacher Rabbi Eliyahu Avichail. As all Shavei-affiliated congregations were ordered to do, the new synagogue, named Khovevei Tsion, adopted the Sephardic liturgy in place of the Ashkenazi one taught by Rabbi Avichail --and as Shavei increasingly came to dominate B’nei Menashe life in Mizoram, much of Shalom Tsion’s membership left it for Khovevei Tsion. Today, over eighty percent of Aizawl’s B’nei Menashe belong to Khovevei Tzion, which moved in 2020 to new premises in the west Aizawl neighborhood of Chhangurkawn. Its attitude toward Shalom Tsion, in which it has warned Aizawl’s B’nei Menashe not to pray, has been hostile.


Yirmiyahu Hnamte.

Thus, it came as a surprise when, a month ago, in early February, a delegation of Khovevei Tsion’s executive, headed by its chairman Yirmiyahu Hnamte, approached the B’nei Menashe Council’s treasurer Nadav Hrangliantawna, with an informal “peace proposal,” which was upgraded to a written one later in the month. Beginning with the statement, “Please accept the assurance of our highest regard for your service to the Lord as well as for your various endeavors,” this proposal was delivered to Shalom Tsion’s leadership as a nine-point plan in the form of the following questions:


“1. Do you agree to both our synagogues surrendering their respective by-laws and preparing new ones in their stead?


“2. Do you agree to join us in accepting the body that currently holds the reins and responsibilities for Aliyah?


“3. Do you agree to implement, as we presently do, the pro rata budget contributions required of each community member?


“4. Do you agree to accept the Sephardi liturgy and rites as we do?


“5. Do you agree to conduct community-wide elections for a single executive body before the beginning of the [Hebrew] month of Nisan [which starts this year on March 23]?


“6. Do you agree to implement a rotation of Bimah duties [i.e., synagogue tasks such as leading prayers, reading from the Torah, etc.] every two months?


“7. Do you agree to repudiate and proscribe the influence of bodies incapable of taking on responsibility for Aliyah, or any other third-party organizations, in the administration of the community?


“8. Do you agree to change the name of the B’nei Menashe Council Synagogue -- which is housed in the premises of what was formerly known as the Ohel Miriam Building in honor of the grandmother of Michael Freund, the pioneering figure in its founding and construction -- to the Ohel Miriam Synagogue?


“9. Do you agree to join us in pledging our allegiance to both Rabbi Eliyahu Avichail and Michael Freund, and to the Amishav and Shavei Israel organizations founded by them?”



Nadav Hrangliantawna

These nine questions were phrased in ostensibly conciliatory language. And yet underneath their veneer of politeness, as Nadav Hranglianwtawna told our Newsletter, they were “a demand for Shalom Tsion’s total surrender.” Question 2, for example, called for acceptance of Shavei Israel’s monopoly on administering the B’nei Menashe’s Aliyah, even though this is something the BMC has vigorously campaigned against. Question 4 demanded that Shalom Tsion abandon the Ashkenazi liturgy that it has faithfully maintained since the days of Rabbi Avichail. Question 7 would have required it to cut its ties with the BMC and other supporting organizations such as Degel Menashe. Questions 8 and 9 would humiliatingly have forced it to honor Michael Freund, who not only had nothing to do with the “founding and construction” of Shalom Tsion but sought to destroy it and to uproot Rabbi Avichail’s memory.


Zalman Zadeng.

Questions 1, 3, 5, and 6, too, it was pointed out, while appearing more neutral, were not so at all, since a positive answer to them would have subjected Shalom Tsion’s conduct of its internal affairs to the majority rule of a community dominated by Khovevei Tsion and would have spelled the end of its independence. As Zalman Zadeng, chairman of the Israeli branch of Mizoram’s B’nei Menashe Council, put it: “Shalom Tsion's doors are always open to whoever wishes to pray there, but those who come can’t expect to impose their practices on us. We have our ways and they need to be respected.”


Gamliel Thansiama.

Shalom Tsion’s executive has not yet answered the Khovevei Tsion proposal in writing, nor is it certain that it will do so. “We are studying the matter and will respond accordingly,” was all BMC chairman Gamliel Thansiama would say. But a flat no has already been delivered orally. “I’ve consulted with our board members and congregation,” says Nadav Hrangliantawna, “and they object to the Khovevei Tsion proposal overwhelmingly. None of its conditions are acceptable to us. I’ve spoken to Moshe Hnamte, Khovevei Tsion’s treasurer, and told him so.”



Why after all these years did Khovevei Tsion make its overture to Shalom Tsion? “It all comes down to money,” our Newsletter was told by a knowledgeable member of the B”nei Menashe community in Aizawl. “Shavei Israel in Mizoram is hard-pressed for funds these days. The support it once received from the organization’s main office in Jerusalem has diminished greatly, and the rental and upkeep of the Khovevei Tsion building in Chhangurkawn are expensive. Shavei in Mizoram simply can’t afford it any more. If it could get control of the Shalom Tsion building, which is owned by the B’nei Menashe Council, it could move its services there, shut down the synagogue in Chhangurkawn, and keep from going bankrupt. It’s as simple as that.”












(February 23, 2023} An Israel television Channel 12 documentary on the murder of Yoel Lhanghal, aired earlier this month, has spelled out the intricacy of the case and helped explain why only one defendant has been indicted so far – and why it is not certain that even he will be convicted of murder.

Liad Edri

Lhanghal, a 19-year-old B’nei Menashe boy from the Lower Galilee town of Nof Hagalil whose family immigrated to Israel in late 2021, was stabbed to death in a brawl on the night of October 6 in the far northern town of Kiryat Shmonah. A video clip from a security camera positioned above the small park in which the incident took place showed him and a B’nei Menashe friend, Tsafir Haokip, battling a large group of local youngsters, mostly teenagers, while his B’nei Menashe girlfriend, Kiryat Shmonah resident Hadassah Singson whom he was visiting, cries for help. This was the second such clash of the evening, an earlier one in the same park, in which Yoel’s teeth were broken and his cheek gashed, having been dispersed by the police. One of the two assailants in the second, fatal clash who was not a minor, Liad Edri, 21, was subsequently arrested and charged with murder by a Nazareth court. A date for his trial has yet to be set.


Yoel Lhanghal’s death shocked Israel’s B’nei Menashe community, in which many rumors about it and its subsequent police investigation have circulated and left a large number of unanswered questions. Among these have been:

  • How did the first of the two fights break out? Who was responsible for starting it? Was racism or anti-B’nei Menashe prejudice a factor?

  • Why, after the first fight, did the police leave the three young B’nei Menashe in the park rather than escort them out of it and bring Yoel to a hospital?

  • What made the group of teenagers, reinforced and led by Edri, who was not present at the first confrontation, return to the park for a second round of fighting?

  • Why was Edri charged with Yoel’s murder? Why, although the video clip showed Yoel, at the bottom of the flight of stairs on which he collapsed a few seconds later, being attacked by half-a-dozen or more boys, have there been no additional arrests or indictments? Was there a cover-up designed to protect the other youngsters -- all Kiryat Shmonah boys known to the local police? And if so, was racism a factor in this, too?

Ilana Dayan

The Channel 12 documentary, a gripping hour-long account of what happened on the night of October 6 and in the days of the police investigation that followed, does not definitively answer all of these questions. It does, however, clarify many of them, and it provides the viewer with a better understanding of why other questions are still unsolved. Produced and narrated for her weekly program Uvdah (“Fact”) by Ilana Dayan, Israeli TV’s leading investigative journalist, its many interviews, conducted by Dayan’s staff with policemen, lawyers, and participants in the incident and their families, provide an almost minute-by-minute account of the events that led up to and came after the murder. Here are its main findings:


Hadassah Singson

1. The first of the two fights that broke out was not deliberately started by either side but resulted from a series of misunderstandings aggravated by alcohol, which had been consumed by all involved, and by hot tempers all around. These flared up when thirteen and fourteen-year-old youngsters emerging from a birthday party in a nearby community center saw Yoel and Hadassah seated on a park bench in what seemed to them an odd position, wrongly suspected Yoel of molestation, and called the police.


Yoel after first fight

Before the latter could arrive, however, tensions mounted, partly sparked by Yoel, who unlike Hadassah spoke almost no Hebrew, could not communicate with the Kiryat Shmonah group, was outraged by their suspicions, and broke a car window in his anger. Both sides then called for reinforcements, the Kiryat Shmonah group for others from the party, and Yoel and Hadassah for their friend Tsafir Haokip, a a Kiryat Shmonah resident and soldier on weekend leave from his unit in the Golani Brigade. In the fist fight that broke out, Yoel and Tsafir, though outnumbered, managed to hold their own. Tsafir, who soon afterward called his commanding army officer Ron on his cell phone and kept up a running conversation with him that throws light on much of what later happened, can be heard telling him, “They broke Yoel’s teeth but I knocked four of them to the ground”.


2. There is no evidence that racism had anything to do with this first clash. The teenagers who called the police seem to have been honestly if mistakenly concerned for Hadassah and gave no sign of acting from anti-B’nei Menashe motives.

Tsafir Haokip

3. The police, whose senior officer, Haim Gabbai, was the father of a girl at the party, acted negligently in not taking Yoel to the hospital or at least offering him first aid. They were not, though, hostile to the three B’nei Menashe youths and chatted calmly with them and even joked with them. (“Calm down,” one of them told Yoel. “If there are any problems, I’m available. Just don’t slug anyone.”) Tsafir, it is true, seeing that the police and the teenagers were on familiar terms, told Ron over the phone, “They’re together in this, they’re together,” and said emotionally to the police, I came to this country to serve in the army and protect Israel, but you’re not helping us!” And yet if no attempt was made to arrest whoever injured Yoel, doing this would have required arresting Tsafir, too. The police appear to have been genuinely convinced that with their arrival the incident was over, and Gabbai was eager to drive his daughter home, which may have affected his judgment in not staying on the scene longer with the other policemen.


4. It is not clear why, after both the police and the Kiryat Shmonah teenagers left the scene, Yoel, Hadassah, and Tsafir chose to remain. Neither Hadassah nor Tsafir were interviewed by the Uvdah team, presumably because, as future witnesses at Edri’s trial, they were advised against it. Perhaps Hadassah was afraid to bring Yoel home to her family in his condition and they had nowhere else to go.


5. After being dispersed, the Kiryat Shmonah teenagers did not go home as the police assumed that they would. Intent on continuing the fight, they looked for others to join them and to return with them to the park. One such acquaintance they found was Liad Edri, who was reportedly told by one of them that “forty Thais” had attacked them and were beating up local children. (B’nei Menashe are frequently confused by Israelis with Thai workers, of whom there are many in Israel.) Edri then turned to a friend of his, a nineteen-year-old Druze resident of Kiryat Shmonah named Leith el-Arousi, and the two of them led a group of the teenagers back to the park.


6. When the group arrived at the park behind Edri and el-Arousi, it climbed a flight of stairs at the top of which Yoel, Tsafir, and Hadassah were seated. (Tsafir can be heard at this point worriedly telling his Golani commander, “They’re coming, they’re coming back!”). Yoel and Tsafir rose to confront them and an argument broke out in which Edri can be heard saying, “Why did you hit a child? Nobody hits children!” and Hadassah agitatedly answering, “What child? What child? Who told you that? Who?” The ensuing exchange between Edri and the two B’nei Menashe boys is inaudible, and the video camera then shows Tsafir shoving Edri, Edri striking back, and a melee breaking out in which Yoel and Tsafir are set upon by a large number of assailants.



Melee at top of stairs

After a few seconds, the camera shows, the melee broke up and both sides ran down the stairs, with the Kiryat Shmonah group apparently in pursuit of Yoel and Tsafir. At the bottom of the stairs, the fighting was renewed. The camera shows Tsafir off to one side, exchanging blows, while Yoel is grabbed and wrestled to the ground by half-a-dozen or more youngsters whose faces cannot be clearly made out. Several can be seen striking him with knifing motions, but no knife is actually visible. While Yoel is lying helpless on the ground, a tall figure gives him a karate kick to his midsection.


The Kiryat Shmonah group then ran off. (The only racist remark recorded during the entire incident occurred at this point, when an unidentified girl is heard saying, “Cochinis, Koreans [sic!], they’re all assholes -- f---- them all!”) Hadassah and Tsafir sought to help Yoel. “He’s been knifed in the stomach, in the stomach!” Tsafir can be heard shouting on his cell phone to Ron while Hadassah tells him to lift Yoel’s legs to ease his bleeding.


7. The police were now called again, as was an ambulance, which took Yoel to Ziv Hospital in Safed. At this point he was still alive, In a recording of a conversation between a hospital staff member and a policewoman, who was uncertain about Yoel’s identity, the staff members tells her, “He’s a foreign worker.”

Haim Gabbai

8. Yoel died during the night. Several days later Liad Edri was arrested and interrogated on suspicion of Yoel’s murder. Three sets of facts incriminated him. The first was his identification in the video clip as the tall figure who kicked Yoel. The second was his being shown by other cameras to have hurried after the incident to change and hide the blood-stained or torn clothes he had been wearing. The third was his several times having worriedly telephoned Police Officer Gabbai, whose daughter’s boyfriend he had once been, in the course of the same night to inquire about Yoel’s condition. (Gabbai, who has himself been indicted on a charge of suppressing evidence, failed to report the calls to his superiors.) In both his initial interrogation and afterwards, Edri admitted having kicked Yoel but denied having knifed him or having possessed a knife at the time of the incident.


9. Complicating the investigation was the existence of a second suspect, a Kiryat Shmonah boy referred to only as “the kid” because he is a fourteen-year-old minor. The “kid,” the police learned after having arrested Edri, fled the scene of the murder while being heard to say, “I stabbed the son-of-a-bitch, I stabbed the son-of-a-bitch!” He then went to the home of an older boy and handed him a knife, which the older boy said he buried in a field. (Searches for it have failed to find it.) Upon being questioned by the police, the “kid” retracted his boast and denied being the stabber and claimed to have been given the knife after the brawl by someone else. In the course of his interrogation, he twice changed his story of whom this “someone else” was and finally, pressured by the police to incriminate Liad Edri, said it was he. As of now, no legal action has been taken against him.


***************

What emerges from the Channel 12 documentary is a complicated picture. On the one hand, there is teenage drinking and violence, police incompetence, a cruel ganging up on unarmed boy who is brutally knifed and kicked when he is down and wounded. These are things that, though none of them should come as a surprise to Israelis who know their society, are highly disturbing.


Tsiyon Shim’on

Yet at the same time, it needs to be said clearly: the documentary gives no reason to believe that the incident was a racist one or that the police, apart from Haim Gabbai’s failure to report Liad Edri’s phone calls, tried to cover anything up. Despite the ample documentation of the security cameras and Tsafir Haokip’s cell phone, the difficulties facing their investigation were genuine: the absence of a murder weapon, the blurred faces of Yoel’s assailants in the video clip, the existence of two suspects instead of just one, the conflicting stories told by the dozens of questioned teenagers. Yes, Liad Edri went out of his way to change his clothes after the murder as someone afraid of being accused of it might do,but as his lawyer Tsiyon Shim’on told an interviewer, “Liad was stressed out by the kick he had given” – which, delivered to Yoel’s bleeding stomach, could indeed have been interpreted as a death blow. Yes, the “kid” openly claimed he was the stabber, but as his lawyer, Yahli Sterling, sought to explain it, “Kids of his age are always boasting of things they haven’t done. They want to be in on the the action.”


The issue of anti-B’nei Menashe racism, which has been raised repeatedly in the wake of Yoel Lhanghal’s murder, is a painful one. Yet precisely because it is, it behooves everyone to be cautious about raising it. Not only is there no evidence of it being behind Yoel’s murder, there is no evidence that most B’nei Menashe have experienced it in Israel – or at least, that they have experienced it in any but trivial ways such as every group of immigrants to this country has had to face. Until Yoel’s death, indeed, racism against them was rarely discussed by them, and while this can be interpreted as a sign of the issue's repression, it can equally be taken to mean that it was not a matter of great concern. Only a thorough survey can tell us how serious an issue it is.



The Knesset's Announcement of the March 13 session.

Until such a survey is conducted, it would be best not to generalize. The Knesset’s Committee on Aliyah and Aborption has announced a special session, to be held on March 13, on the subject of “The absorption and integration of the B’nei Menashe of India, the racism from which they suffer, and the government’s dealing with this issue in the light of the murder of Yoel Lhanghal.” But how much do the B’nei Menashe suffer from racism? If the answer is, “Not at all,” or “Only slightly,” or “Not in significant ways,” there can be no greater disservice to them than to convince them of the opposite. The last thing Israel’s B’nei Menashe need to be told is that they are not wanted in Israel when in fact most Israelis are happy to have them. Those who tell them this without proof may have different motives for doing so, one of which is to say: “If you are not succeeding as well as you should, don’t blame yourselves, the government or any specific organization for failing you -- blame Israeli racism for holding you back!” This is a tempting statement, especially if you are speaking for the government or a specific organization. It doesn’t necessarily make it justified.


















Happy endings are more common in the movies than in life, in which every end is the beginning of something else. Still, given all that Sarah Lamsi Baite and her daughter have been through in the last seven years, things could hardly be better .


Sarah’s story is well-known to readers of our Newsletter. A two-time widow and member of Churachandpur’s B’nei Menashe community since 2005, Sarah, now 44, has three children, the oldest of whom is married with a child, and the youngest of whom, a daughter, was raped as a 10-year-old by a Shavei Israel crony in 2016. Warned not to talk about the incident, Sarah was expelled from her Shavei Israel-controlled congregation for appealing for help to the neighborhood authorities, pressured to refrain from filing a police complaint, and barred from the Shavei-compiled Aliyah lists that her daughter’s assailant, who immigrated to Israel in 2018, was put on .When she first spoke to our Newsletter in December 2021 after a written plea to Israel’s Minister of Immigration and Absorption Pnina Tamano-Shata had gone unanswered, she was living with her severely traumatized child and eking out a bare living as a day laborer in nearby rice fields. “My daughter’s life is ruined,” she told us then. “Every time I talk about it, all the hurt comes back. I feel helpless, and it’s a reality I have to live with every day. I have no reason to be happy. Honestly, I have no expectations. I can only put my trust in God.”

Sarah’s police complaint.

Then, though, the tide began to turn. As a result of our Newsletter’s first article about her, Sarah’s case was taken up by ranking Likud member Miri Regev on the floor of Israel’s Knesset, creating a wave of sympathy for her in the B’nei Menashe community. Buoyed by it and backed by Degel Menashe and Manipur’s B’nei Menashe Council, she mustered the resolve to walk into a Churachandpur police station and file the complaint she had long suppressed.


It was a liberating moment. A proud and brave woman who had silently suffered years of degradation, she had finally struck back. To be sure, the consequences were not long in coming. Sarah was denounced by Shavei Israel operatives in an attempt to make her retract her complaint, temporarily forced to flee Churanchandpur under threats of violence, and ejected upon her return from the house, owned by a Shavei Israel sympathizer, that she was living in as an exploited caretaker. Yet she refused to give in. Galvanized by her action, she set about rebuilding her life.


What a difference a year can make! Today, Sarah is living in a rented home of her own with a backyard in which she raises chickens and ducks for sale, runs a profitable sidewalk restaurant, and has a stand from which she sells the vegetables that she and her family grow on a plot of leased land.

Sarah and grandson at her vegetable stand.

A talented singer, she also leads a choral group dedicated to performing and recording traditional B’nei Menashe songs. And her daughter, who for years was in a severe post-traumatic depression, is now back in school, has made friends, and is living a normal life. Recently, she was awarded 50,000 rupees by Manipur’s Child Welfare Committee in initial compensation for her ordeal.


All this would not have happened without Sarah’s grit and determination. But it also needed the support she received from Degel Menashe and the B’nei Menashe Council. The BMC especially, via the efforts of its chairman Lalam Hangshing and its general secretary Ohaliav Haokip, has accompanied Sarah closely over the past year. It has provided her with legal services, helped her with necessary paperwork, assisted her in finding and moving to a new home (for which it paid the first months’ rent), and forced her persecutors to back off by letting them know that she was under its legal and physical protection.


“And the BMC’s supporters in Israel,” Sarah told us, “even stepped in and bought me a new refrigerator for the little restaurant that I opened! This has been very useful to me, because I can now buy supplies for many days at once and save time. I typically serve forty to fifty customers on a good day. Even on less good ones, I earn enough to pay the bills.

Taking a break at the restaurant.

In the morning, the customers are a mixture of children and adults dropping by for a quick breakfast on their way to work or school. Afternoons, it’s mostly the children coming for a snack before heading home. We serve paratha [an Indian flatbread with a potato filling], chow mein, and other lights meals with rice. Right now, we’re thinking of expanding the menu.


“This last year has been a very good one for my family,” Sarah says. “I’m so grateful to God. We have about twenty-five hatchlings in our back yard right now, which I’ll sell when they mature and turn a profit on. We grow more than enough for ourselves on the land that we’ve leased, mostly pumpkins, beans, and peas, and sell the rest at the stand that we operate. We’re comfortably off and never have to worry any more about where the next meal is coming from, or whether the landlord will renew the lease, or what the future will bring. And best of all, my daughter is smiling again!"


True, her daughter's rapist has not yet been brought to justice. Sarah still hopes that he will be. But the changes in their lives have been great, "In fact," she says, "I've never been happier!"





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