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Updated: Dec 31, 2023

(November 17, 2022) With the help of Degel Menashe, the B’nei Menashe of Saikul, a village of 2,700 inhabitants nestled in a valley of the East Sadar Hills some 50 kilometers north of Manipur’s capital of Imphal, have a Torah scroll again. In fact, they have two of them. Not real parchment ones written by a certified scribe – such a Torah they never had to begin with. The Torah they had and lost was a printed paper facsimile, the kind that serves many northeast India B’nei Menashe communities that cannot remotely afford the tens of thousands of dollars that a hand-written parchment scroll costs. Yet such facsimiles are not cheap either, and that had by Saikul’s B’nei Menashe was no less valuable for being one. They kept it in an Ark in their synagogue from which they took it on Sabbaths and holidays to read the weekly and festival portions, and they danced and sang with it on Simhat Torah, the Day of the Rejoicing of the Law, just as Jews do with Torah scrolls everywhere. And then they lost it.


“We received our Torah on October 9, 2001,” Yochanan Thangboi Tuboi, the Saikul community’s head recalled in a telephone conversation this week with our Newsletter.

Yochanan Thangboi Tuboi.

“That was the eve of Simhat Torah, and the scroll was a gift from Aviel Hangshing, a patron of many B’nei Menashe activities in those days.” (Hangshing, the father of current BMC chairman Lalam Hangshing, settled in Israel in 2014 and died last year in Kiryat Arba at the age of 96.) “It was truly a day of rejoicing for us.”


Saikul’s B’nei Menashe community was a middle-sized one. “”We were about 20 households,” Tuboi said, “numbering some hundred people, including children. We were a tight-knit group. Everyone helped everyone. We were always there for each other, regardless of what the need was.”


In 2015-16 Tuboi continued, things began to change. “A directive came from Shavei Israel,” he relates, “that small, outlying communities like ours had to uproot themselves and move to Churachandpur. That was where Shavei had its headquarters, and we were told that unless we lived there under Shavei’s supervision, we would never be eligible for Aliyah to Israel. There was no official written announcement. It was all conveyed by word of mouth.


“In those days, Shavei’s word was unchallengeable. The B’nei Menashe did what Shavei told them to do. Some of us obeyed now, too: Who didn’t want to live in Zion? To the best of my memory, three or four families left Saikul and moved to Churachandpur. But for most of us this was too hard, even if it came from Shavei. We all had property and livelihoods in Saikul: our homes, vegetable gardens, rice fields, and the like. Giving all that up for new surroundings was daunting, especially as Shavei offered no help in resettling us and expected us to manage on our own. There were too many uncertainties and fears. Most of us decided to stay in Saikul.”


They chose to remain: some of Saikul's B'nei Menashe.

Retaliation was not long in coming. “Fairly quickly,” Tuboi says, “Shavei made us realize that, as far as it was concerned, we no longer existed. It cut off all contact with us. Until then, the B’nei Menashe Council, which was run by Shavei, had come from time to time to take a community census and update us in its registry; now all that stopped. No one came as in the past to collect our dues. And when new Aliyah lists were compiled, none of us was on them, just as Shavei had threatened would be the case.”


This went on, Tuboi told us, for several years. The B’nei Menashe of Saikul continued with their lives as before. Though they were no longer able to turn to Shavei for guidance or instruction in Jewish matters, they kept up their Jewish observance to the best of their ability and knowledge, which included regularly reading from their Torah. Until, that is, 2019. Tuboi remembers the exact date. “It was the 6th of August. On that day, without warning, a group of B’nei Menashe arrived in our village from Kangpokpi. They were led by Haolal Chongloi, a well-known Shavei operative, and they told us they had orders from Shavei to confiscate our Torah scroll, since we no longer had any use for it. There were too few of us left in Saikul, they said, to have a regular minyan [a prayer quorum of ten men], and the Torah couldn’t be read aloud without one.


“This wasn’t true. We weren’t as big a community as Kangpokpi, but we certainly did have a regular minyan, and more than enough men for it. The Torah scroll had been given to us, not to Shavei. We protested. But Chongloi bullied us into submission and we felt helpless. Even though we had already been struck from Shavei’s rolls, we weren’t mentally prepared to defy him. He took our Torah and left.”


The Saikul community was desolate. Its Jewish life went on, but it wasn’t the same as before without a Torah. “We looked desperately for another one,” Tuboi says, “but no B’nei Menashe community in Manipur had one to spare and we had no means of bringing one from Israel.”


Meanwhile, though, things in Manipur were changing. Saikul’s wasn’t the only B’nei Menashe community that had suffered at Shavei Israel’s hands. In 2020, an anti-Shavei revolt broke out, culminating in communal elections in November of that year for a new B’nei Menashe Council, which resulted in a narrow victory for the

Delegates meet in 2020 elections.

anti-Shavei forces.


The ballot was preceded by a floor fight in which Saikul and three other B’nei Menashe communities that had been blacklisted by Shavei were reinstated and given the right to vote. Saikul was now again a recognized part of Manipur’s B’nei Menashe society.


It still took two more years to get a new Torah. “It was our good fortune,” says Tuboi, “that early this autumn, Lalam Hangshing was in Israel. When he was there, he told Degel Menashe’s managing director Isaac Thangjom about our problem and Thangjom offered to donate not one Torah but two if Lalam would take them back with him to Manipur.” The larger of the two Torahs was about half-a-meter tall and came in a wooden case as per the Sephardi and Eastern custom; the smaller Torah had, Ashkenazi-style, only the traditional drape.

The two Torahs.

“One can think of it,” Thangjom said to our Newsletter, “as symbolic of the ‘Sephardi-Ashkenazi’ reconciliation that Degel Menashe has been working for after years in which Shavei Israel split the community by seeking to force the Sephardi rites on everyone.”


Taking with him the two Torah scrolls, Lalam Hangshing returned from Israel to Manipur after Rosh Hashanah, just in time for the holiday of Sukkot, of which Simhat Torah is the final day. “On October 12,” Yochanan Tuboi told us, “he brought the scrolls to Saikul, almost 21 years to the day on which his father brought us our first Torah, and we rejoiced now just as we rejoiced then. We would have liked to stage a huge celebration and invite all of Manipur’s B’nei Menashe, but putting up so many people was more than we could handle, and besides, a big Sukkot feast had already been planned for that week in Churachandpur. But even though we decided to have a smaller ceremony, there was such a feeling of solidarity with us that over 200 guests showed up.

Eating at Saikul's celebration (Lalam Hangshing is second from left).

B’nei Menashe came from different congregations in Churachandpur, from Gamgiphai, from Pejang, from Imphal, from Kangchup, from Phalbung, from Kangpokpi, and from still other places.


“It’s been a great joy,” Tuboi summed up, “to see our community’s spirits soar now that we again have a Torah to read from every Shabbat. There are two boys in Saikul, the sons of my friend Samuel Misao, who can recite the parshat ha-shavu’a [the weekly Torah portion] and now do it every week; they don’t yet know the chant notes, but I’m sure they’ll learn them soon. And they’re not the only ones in Saikul who can read Hebrew. Most of our youngsters can, and most of them know how to pray from the Siddur. We still number 20 families and nearly 100 people despite those who left for Churachandpur, and we expect now to take our rightful place on the Aliyah lists. Our destination is still Zion.”







(November 9, 2022) Was it a case of Shavei Israel’s leaders softening their three-year-old boycott of Degel Menashe and anyone having to do with it? (Three years is how long Degel Menashe has been in existence.) Or was it a one-time occurrence to which no further significance should be attached?


What happened was this:


In the days following Yoel Lhanghal’s October 6 murder in Kiryat Shmona and the allegations of racism that accompanied it, Avner Isaacs, chairman of the Indian Jewish Heritage Center (IJHC), decided to do something. Contacting the Kiryat Shmona municipality, he proposed holding a meeting of the town’s residents at which they could learn about the B’nei Menashe, some 150 new immigrants of whom live in their midst, and get to know them better. The municipality agreed to host such an event and told Isaacs to plan it together with Osnat Riski, director of its education department.


Avner Isaacs

Isaacs went to work. He and Riski set a date of Monday, November 7 for a “B’nei Menashe Awareness Program” and chose as its venue Kiryat Shmona’s Arthur and Ancie Fouks Community Center. He spoke to photographer Dorit Lombroso, a collection of whose B’nei Menashe portraitures is currently on exhibit at the ANU Museum in Tel Aviv and obtained her permission to display prints of them. He called Ronia Lunkhel, a young B’nei Menashe student active in the community and persuaded her to chair the meeting and give a PowerPoint presentation of B’nei Menashe history and life. He contacted Degel Menashe, which volunteered to prepare a display of traditional B’nei Menashe handicrafts for the occasion. And he phoned Racheli Kahlon, the Jerusalem secretary of Shavei Israel chairman Michael Freund, and requested Shavei’s endorsement of the event. Kahlon promised to get back to him, Isaacs relates, and told him when she did that the event had Shavei’s blessing and that he was doing “a wonderful thing.”

The invitation in Menashe Hayom

Although Isaacs did not inform Shavei Israel of Degel Menashe’s involvement in the awareness program, Shavei could not have been ignorant of it, since on Thursday, November 3 Jessica Thangjom, a member of the IJHC board of directors, posted an invitation to the event on all major B’nei Menashe social media, including the Facebook group of Menashe Hayom, a widely read pro-Shavei Israel news bulletin. The invitation featured a photograph by Lombroso of a B’nei Menashe mother lighting Sabbath candles with her infant child, beneath which appeared logos of the event’s participating organizations, including Shavei Israel and Degel Menashe.







The logos of the participating organizations appear at the bottom of the invitation. Degel Menashe's is third from left, Shavei Israel's second from right.

“There is no possibility,” Thangjom says, “that this wasn’t noticed by Shavei. And three days later, on November 6, the day before the scheduled awareness program, the event was again given the approval of Shavei’s highest echelon. This occurred at a memorial ceremony for Yoel Lhanghal held in Kiryat Shmona’s Tzahal Square, which was attended by Tsvi Khaute, Shavei’s national director, and Yehuda Singson, its Kiryat Shmona coordinator, as well as by Osnat Riski and Kiryat Shmona mayor Avihay Stern. According to Avner Isaacs, Riski later told him that Khaute remarked to Singson in her and Stern’s presence that the IJHC event “is ours” and “must be supported” by Shavei.


Guests at the event listen to a talk

And yet when the guests arrived for the event the next morning, they were in for a disappointment. Although some 50 residents of Kiryat Shmona turned out for the meeting, only two B”nei Menashe -- one of them Yehuda Singson, who had apparently come to check who else was there – were among them. “I felt bad,” our Newsletter was told by Ronia Lunkhel. “Dozens of people had come to meet B’nei Menashe like me, talk to them, and express their solidarity with them, and none showed up.”



Ronia Lunkhel giving Power-Point presentation showing conjectured B'nei Menashe migration route

Even without a B’nei Menashe presence, the event was a partial success. Mayor Stern delivered introductory remarks, a documentary film about the B’nei Menashe was shown, Avner Isaacs spoke about Israel’s other Indian Jewish communities, and Lunkhel gave her presentation, which was followed by a question-and-answer session with the audience. Dorit Lombroso’s photographs and the handicrafts table met with interest and appreciation, too. Nevertheless, the lack of B’nei Menashe participation was glaring.


B'nei Menashe handicrafts display

Why were no B’nei Menashe there? Isaacs, citing the same conversation with Riski, says she told him that Yehuda Singson informed her shortly before the event that no B’nei Menashe would be taking part in it. Pressed to explain why, he only said, “It isn’t ours.” Isaacs then phoned Singson himself and received the same reply.. It was the exact opposite of what Tsvi Khaute had said!


What happened is not clear. Apparently, there was opposition in Shavei’s ranks to the juxtaposition of Shavei Israel and Degel Menashe logos on the invitation, even though there were other logos on it too. Some Shavei supporters, refusing to believe their leaders would have countenanced such a thing, assumed the Shavei logo must have been used without consent. “Using the Shavei logo was done to deceive us,” wrote Yehuda Singson in a Shavei WhatsApp post and Shavei’s Information Secretary Eliezer Baite, writing on the same site and addressing Michael Freund and Tsvi Khaute with the customary honorific title, asked: “Pu Michael and Pu Tzvi, how can Degel work under Shavei’s logo? And what should the [Shavei] Advisory Board do about it?” Neither Freund nor Khaute replied, but Singson did: “If it weren’t for the magnanimity of our leaders,” he posted, we [Kiryat Shmona’s B'nei Menashe] would have prevented the event from taking place.”



Yehuda Singson

Singson did not specify what such “prevention” would have consisted of. He responded similarly to Jessica Thangjom when asked by her on a WhatsApp site: “How could you have prevented the program from taking place? The B’nei Menashe can be assisted by any NGO they want. They’re not your private property. It’s of great importance to have such awareness programs if racism is to be combated in our midst.”


Singson answered her:


“We would have done it because you acted behind our backs. In the future, don’t stick your noses into Kiryat Shmona without consulting Shavei.”


Other Shavei supporters expressed similar opinions on the site.


Jessica Thangjom

Yet as reported, Shavei was consulted – not by Degel Menashe but by Avner Isaacs. If its chairman and national director gave their approval and were then attacked for it by organization members, does this mean there is now a rift in Shavei regarding its policy toward Degel Menashe?


It is sad that Shavei operatives like Yehuda Singson and Eliezar Baite place their war against Degel Menashe above the war against racism as a Shavei Israel priority. Because of this, 50 Israelis who came to the event were left with the impression that though they care about the B’nei Menashe community, the community does not care about them. It would be nice (although it is probably wishful thinking) to believe that Shavei’s national leadership has finally realized that it is time to mend the organization’s ways.


(November 1, 2022) In a letter last week to the Tel Aviv law firm of Dror, Menchel, & Weinstein, the Justice Ministry’s Department of Non-Profit Associations confirmed rumors that Shavei Israel’s nihul takin or “proper conduct” certification is under review. Without such certification, non-profit organizations are ineligible for government contracts, as well as for tax-deductible donations.


The Justice Ministry’s letter was sent in response to a query by the law firm, representing Degel Menashe, regarding Shavei Israel’s status in the wake of a ruling last April by Tel Aviv district court judge Naftali Shilo that Shavei’s chairman Michael Freund forged his ex-wife Sarah Green’s signature on Shavei documents. The forged signatures, some on papers submitted to the Department of Non-Profit Associations’ Registry Office, were meant to give the impression that Green had been active in the organization’s affairs. The presumable motive for this was to counter Green’s contention, currently the subject of a civil suit, that her former husband embezzled 50 million shekels (15 million dollars) from a family bank account and transferred it to Shavei’s coffers without her knowledge.


The request for Judge Shilo’s ruling came from both Green and the Registry Office. The Department of Non-Profit Associations’ letter, signed by Batsheva Weizmann, its Assistant Director, said in full:

“1. The verdict of the Tel Aviv district court in case 47061-07-20 – Sarah Green vs. the non-profit association Shavei Israel – is indeed known to us.

“2. On June 15, 2022, the association appealed the district court verdict to the High Court of Justice (Case No. 4045/22). Since this litigation is still unresolved, the verdict in question cannot be considered final. The Registry Office is a respondent to the appeal and will state its views when summations are made.

“3. The question of the association’s proper conduct certification is under review by the Registry Office, which will take into consideration all the circumstances of the case and the appeal now pending. Its position will be presented, as has been said, within the framework of its reply to the appeal.”

According to the High Court of Justice’s posteddocket, the appeal of “Shavei Israel vs. Sarah Green and the Registry Office of Non-Profit Associations” is scheduled for a hearing on January 23, 2023.


From the High Court’s docket.

Although the ministry’s reply to the law firm’s letter is carefully worded, the law provides for cancelation of certification when a non-profit organization’s conduct is deemed seriously flawed, and a resort to forged documents would certainly constitute such a case. If Shavei’s appeal to the High Court is turned down, the Registry Office could well take such a step. Alternately, it is empowered to impose less drastic sanctions, such as a fine or a requirement to present a plan for corrective policies. Such a plan, one imagines, would have to include Michael Freund’s resignation


If stripped of its certification, Shavei Israel would be barred from working with the Ministry of Immigration and Absorption in anything having to do with the Aliyah of the B’nei Menashe. It would also face great difficulty in raising funds from donors, which could cripple its ability to function.


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